Who turned Iran into a theocratic state?
About Iran, such a comparison chart is often seen on the Internet :
The meaning of the miniskirt and black robe is clear at a glance. Although the Pahlavi regime before the revolution in the late 1970s was autocratic and corrupt, at least Iranian urban life was still open and modern. As a result, after the fall of Pahlavi, he suffered tragic revolutionary regimes from Khomeini.Counterattacks and calculations. The civilized progressive secular dictator, and the ignorant and superstitious religious conservative folks, seem to make a high judgment. However, the process of Khomeini's coming to power and Iran's divine right is far from the religious fanatic Tubaozi fooling people.
Countryman is not revolutionary
According to the widely circulated claims on the Internet, the material enjoyment of the Pahlavi era is only the privilege of a small number of urban people. The vast rural population has become a victim of uneven wealth distribution, and it is not worthy of the corruption, erosion, and secularization of urban people.Their lifestyle, their anger created the Islamic revolution, and eventually devoured the once open and free Iranian society.
In fact, Iranian farmers were not enthusiastic about the revolution. In the movement to overthrow the Pahlavi dynasty, the vast rural areas were quiet, the agricultural population was silent all the way, and neither supported nor opposed Khomeini. From the 1960sAt the beginning, the Pahlavi regime had already passed the land reform. With the methods and models close to the Soviet Union's Stalin era, it eliminated the traditional forces in the countryside and controlled the political and economic life in the countryside. As a right-wing authoritarian leader in a broad sense,Not surprisingly.
In the Cold War, land reform was not the patent of the left-wing revolution. American officials and intellectuals have long believed that land reform can ensure fairness and justice, promote economic development, and avoid radical revolutions. Right-wing authoritarian leaders such as Wu Tingyan and Li Chengwan have accepted American expertsIt was instructed to seize the local tyrants and divide the fields first, and not to give the ultra-leftists the opportunity to mobilize the peasants to rebel. However, Iran's land reform went further than other Asian authoritarian regimes. In the 1960s, King Pahlavi announced the launch of a "white revolutionThrough six specific plans to reform the feudal system from top to bottom, the first is to set the upper limit of land owned by landowners 10 hectares of irrigable land or 15 hectares of dry land. All excess land is compulsorily purchased by the state and sold to farmers.Can be purchased in installments over 15 years.
The White Revolution also hit the priest class. Pahlavi ordered the confiscation of the land under the name of the mosque to be distributed to the farmers, touching about 30% of the country's religious land. In 1971, 92% of Iranian farmers had their own.The Iranian land reform did not stop there. Pahlavi not only nationalized rural water, irrigation systems, forests and extensive pastures, but also launched the second phase of the White Revolution in the 1970s, which will be distributed to farmers.If it is recovered, the government will arrange the production and consumption in the village in a unified manner.
Under the state arrangement, farmers handed over their real estate and joined the "agricultural integrated enterprise unit." In order to build such a system that resembles the Stalin model, the Pahlavi regime did not hesitate to fight with the army, used bulldozers to level the peasants' houses, and expelled the people.Joined the "collective farm". The farmers who were assigned to the field lost their land again shortly. The consequences of Iran's agricultural collectivization were similar to those of the Soviet Union. The White Revolution quickly turned this grain exporter into an importer, which required 250 wheat imports per year.10,000 tons, rice 300,000 tons, agriculture only accounts for 9.7% of total GDP.
Everyone has become a loser, except for the King and his relatives. In the late White Revolution, Pahlavi regarded the land reform as a handy political tool, severely punished dissidents and powerful locals, and rewarded real estate to close friends, especially senior military officials and militaryDuring the 1979 revolution, Fang did not retreat. The peasants turned into a loose sand during the process of collectivization, and the production and life were unified by the state, and there was no ability for self-government and organizational rebellion. When Pahlavi was in power, the rural subordinated to Pahlavi.After taking office, Khomeini obeyed Khomeini's bureaucracy. The most enterprising farmers who dared to do it chose to go to the city. They lived hard and lived in a dozen people in a slum in Tehran.In the group rented houses, they struggle to squeeze cars to work every day, but because they have caught up with the urbanization development period, their income level is better than farming in their hometown.
Even if overwhelmed, migrant workers at the bottom do not necessarily have to follow religious revolutionaries like Khomeini. Traditional Shiite ideas do not preach the spirit of rebellion, more emphasis on patience with the suffering of the present world, loyalty to the monarch on earth, and in a pious and conservativeThe influence of ordinary people is huge, and masterpieces such as "The Mystery of Heaven" are Iran's best-selling books. During the destruction of Pahlavi, until the king revealed his defeat, politicians from all walks of life instigated the labor masses and demanded the sharing of power. That sceneThe revolution that finally wrapped Iranian women in burqa did not come from the "low-level society of ignorance and backwardness." The revolutionary enthusiasm is the highest among the middle class, who have nothing to worry about.
In 1978, the backbone of the Iranian revolution was clear at a glance: merchants stopped, students went out of school, 500,000 Tehran citizens shouted slogans like "Kill the King" and "Khomeini is our leader."
Businessmen's rebellion is a long tradition in Iranian society. The business organization "Bazaar" is similar to the medieval European guilds. It does not economically welcome competition from Western capital, is keen to resist foreign goods, and opposes the influx of foreign companies.Under US policy, Western capital quickly impacted Iran's traditional Bazaar street vendors and retail stores. From 1951 to 1953, Prime Minister Mossad launched an oil nationalization campaign, confiscating foreign capital, and hostile to the United States. Businessmen followed suit and participated in the struggle.Call for the defeat of US imperialism and its running dog, King Pahlavi.
Also, although the Pahlavi regime is open to the outside world, as a right-wing authoritarian government, it is quite different from Lee Kuan Yew and Franco and other regimes. It is extremely unfriendly to the free market, but has a strong dominating economy. In the "White Revolution"The Iranian government forced companies to take in employees' shares. Among them, private companies sold 30% to 49% of their shares to labor dividends. In addition, there were workers' welfare banks and workers' credit cooperatives that specifically subsidized. The government provided workers with housing loans and opened evening school classes. 1970In the mid-1950s, urban prices skyrocketed, and Pahlavi blame the "speculative" businessmen. Prime Minister Huweida issued the "Anti-profiteering Act", arrested 7,750 businessmen within two weeks, seized 600 stores, and by the end of 1975, 180,000 people across the countryBazaar businessman fined 230,000 shopkeepers.
For a time, the capitalists, like the bird of surprise, drew funds abroad, and the economic situation in Iran deteriorated greatly. The bourgeoisie, who had been repeatedly fleshed, was pushed by the king to the revolutionary camp. The most loyal under Khomeini's banner "The "lower strata" revolutionaries are the lower strata among these Bazaar merchants. Together with the seminary students, they form Khomeini's most loyal basic dish, which is incompatible with the migrant workers who are really at the bottom of society. Through the commercial network, the Bazaar merchants areDomestic transport and distribution of tapes from the speech of the exiled revolutionary Khomeini, and the establishment of the Islamic Union Association to provide funding to the Khomeini factions. Therefore, many contemporary Iranian military and political figures are from Bazaar businessmen, confirmingThe great contribution of the Islamic Revolution. When Khomeini returned from exile to drive to the airport to pick him up, it was vegetable bazaar businessman Rafik Dost, who later became the Minister of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards and also served as the largest state-owned charity fund—-Chairman of the Oppressed and the War Disabled Foundation.
Another important member of the Khomeini regime, Commercial Minister Asgaroladi, also a Bazaar businessman, was in charge of the country's purchasing and distribution power during the Iran-Iraq war. Rafsanja, who was president from 1989 to 1997His father was a large farmer in Kerman province, producing and distributing pistachios. Rafsanjani was 14 when he was sent to Shi’an holy place, Qom, to study religion and became a loyal follower of Khomeini.
The Iranian general Kasim Sulaimani, who recently became the focus of the media, his father was also a pistachio plantation operator in Kerman Province, and Iran's agricultural market was almost occupied by foreign capital during the Pahlavi period. 1978During the revolution, angry and restless business groups launched revenge.
Veil of Khomeini
In February 1979, Khomeini ended his 15-year exile and returned from overseas. The welcome crowd included slum dwellers, bourgeoisie and citizens, including a large number of women with Westernized education, such as Iran ’s firstA female judge, Abadi.
The reason why these urban elites who listen to rock music and wear miniskirts are willing to cooperate with Khomeini to rebel is not only their common enemy, Pahlavi, but also because they are convinced that secularization is the general trend, and they do not consider the religious conservative forces of ignoranceWorrying. In contrast, the far left Marxists really worried them. And at the time, Khomeini didn't seem to have much real power at least. Khomeini's life was spent in Iraq more than in Iran.It is believed to lack a domestic mass base. In the early days of the revolution, it was only due to its long-term exile and prophetic experience, and was respected by all parties and demonstrators in the moral highlands.
Khomeini in exile
The priests who follow him are only a handful of people, because although the Pahlavi regime is highly secular, it is far from being an enemy of Islam. The number of mosques established by the old king, Mohammed Reza, is unprecedented, and Pahlavi himself often moves out.The Qur'an claims that its white revolution is in line with the religious philosophy of combating the rich and helping the poor. Traditionally, Shiites are also known for their leaning towards kingship and are more willing to defend the ancient tradition of monarchy. Although the land reform touched the interests of the clergy, they did notThere is no general vote for Imam Khomeini.
Khomeini's path of political and religious rule will also be very different from the traditional Shiite practice of serving as an adviser to the king. However, this was not known to intellectuals and businessmen at the time. They believed that once the revolution was successful,The king abdicated, and the priests would retreat to the second line according to Shia traditions. In the early revolution, Khomeini himself did his best to show that humans and animals were harmless, and they could get along well with liberals, nationalists, and secular left.Khomeini interviewed the Guardian, saying, "I don't want to have power or government control. I'm not interested in personal power."
This statement is also unfounded. In the post-revolutionary interim government, religious fundamentalists did not hold important positions. The president and the prime minister were respectively held by the nationalist Barnisader and the secular Balargan. According to HuoMeni said at the time that he was neither going to push for administrative or religious unity, nor would he force women to wear burqas. In terms of doctrine, he was ambiguous and stated that he did not support polygamy. "If a man is married, a wife is enough"In the eyes of the public, Khomeini is poor and simple, with an image similar to that of Gandhi, and is an upright and slightly pedantic old man.
The Iranian liberals are not completely unsuspecting of this overly deliberate majesty image, but the 70-year-old, life-long tortured old man doesn't seem to be able to last long. The "people's jihadist" who advocates violence,Despite conflicts with Khomeini's Islamic Republican Party, and even bombing its top cadres, he also respected Khomeini himself and did not dare to criticize the attack. However, the fundamentalists soon removed their camouflage.
Road to Revolution
On March 7, 1979, Khomeini issued an order to force women to wear headscarves. The revolution has continued since then. After Iranian students occupied the U.S. embassy and held hostages, Khomeini was pursuing pro-American liberals while taking advantage of it.And sealed up entertainment venues such as movie theaters, song and dance troupes.
In this regard, another important force in the Iranian revolution-the left-wingers are also happy to see it happen. Even the anti-kerchief parade on Women's Day has been a side-view, without reaching out. Like the religious conservatives, the left-wing is notI like the flowery world of the Ten Mile Ocean Field during the Pahlavi period. The bars, casinos, and dance troupes in various towns and cities have originally symbolized the erosion of American culture and are a tool used by the king to paralyze the working people's will and maintain autocratic rule with the entertainment industry.
After the hostage crisis broke out in the U.S. Embassy, the left concentrated their efforts on the struggle against the United States and had no intention of opposing Khomeini's religious conservative measures. When the left finally turned his face to Khomeini, other factions who could lend a helping hand have alreadyNo longer exists-Liberal allies have been purged; Shiite religious dissidents die faster, and 700 priests have been shot dead for favoring the monarchy and the tradition of separation of church and state. As of May 1983,Khomeini has gradually eliminated all political opponents, and no one can stop the black robes and headscarves. In August of the same year, the government repealed all secular laws and established a theocratic rule. Religious fanatics intimidate and insult women who do not wear veils. PublicGender segregation is implemented in the place, extending from the seaside swimming pool to schools, parks, restaurants, and even handshake and face kissing for friends of the opposite sex are prohibited.
Since then, Iranian movies and television no longer allow intimate scenes of men and women. Female images must be quiet, full-bodied, not flirting, sulking. The radio stops playing Western rock and jazz, etc., and only Islamic music andMilitary music. The ban on entertainment is becoming more and more strict, and even playing chess and poker are categorized as non-Islamic and prohibited, until the end of the Iran-Iraq war, the theocratic government relaxed the ban slightly.
Since then, the open, mundane modern urban life in the Pahlavi era can only be turned into yellowed old photos, which have been praised by the Internet for many years, and it has become evidence that Iran has not always been conservative., You still have to make incredible sacrifices in a normal society for the most natural personal freedom.
Democracy in Iran: Why It Failed and How It Might Succeed, Misagh Parsa
Text ｜ Liu Zhanxiong
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